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Nile
Treaty needs to be re-examined critically
THE manner in which the 1929 Anglo-Egyptian Nile
Treaty, that has generated controversy the among riparian countries,
is handled will either open new ground for joint and sustained
development of the river’s basin or enhance the current
tensions over the utilisation of the water resources.
The debate, which revolves around a historically lopsided pact
that ignores the upper riparian countries’ rights and
influence on the amount and pattern of water flow to the lower
states, is getting more polarised and extremist.
The treaty gives Egypt, the lowermost riparian country, exclusive
control over the waters, while the upper riparian countries
cannot undertake any project with a massive out-take of water
from Lake Victoria where the Nile originates, or on any of the
rivers draining into the lake without consulting Egypt.
The clause on the water control is meant to ensure that a certain
level of flows downstream uninterrupted for the North African
country’s benefit. The treaty was reviewed in 1959 to
take into consideration the interests of Sudan.
But the upper states, Ethiopia in particular, are increasingly
demanding their fair share of their Nile basin water resources.
Proponents of ignore-the-treaty say its obsolete and heavily
skewed in favour of Egypt, denying upstream countries the right
to harness the Lake Victoria waters for the socio-economic good
of their people.
The conflict is a reflection of the tragedies of the colonial
legacy in Africa, where the colonisers apportioned the continent’s
resources for their benefit.
The Nile Treaty was meant to benefit the British, who wanted
to strategically secure the Suez Canal for their own economic
and military interests. In a nutshell, it was for their own
best interests that the British easily gave concessions that
are the cause of the current dispute among the riparian states.
Egypt and Sudan, the beneficiaries of the treaty, are standing
their ground and saying no to any renegotiation over the document,
while the politicians and intellectuals from the three East
African countries the custodians of the lake are arguing that
the treaty is obsolete and should be ignored.
Egypt, in particular, maintains that the pact needs to be observed
as any projects with massive water out-takes may affect the
volume of flow down and hit badly 90 per cent of its population,
which directly depends on River Nile.
Both positions are genuine and this is why a common approach
needs to be adopted to resolve the issue and devise a joint
proactive development strategy to harness the Nile basin for
the benefit of all the countries.
We urge all the parties concerned to acknowledge that the matter
is delicate and needs a sober approach to resolve. And this
is possible through constructive dialogue.
It is a fact that rising and competitive demands on the waters
from both the upper and the lower basin states make basinwide
planning and equitable water allocation and development imperative.
The alternative could be civil unrest and intra- and inter-state
conflict, which would be difficult to control or reverse.
To avert an unreasonable and costly recourse to the dispute,
there is urgent need for serious engagement among the riparian
states towards equitable allocation of Nile water resources,
and the creation of a cooperative mechanism. And, perhaps on
a positive note, the inauguration of the Nile Basin Initiative
is a forum to address this thorny issue.
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